THE TEACHING/LEARNING SITUATION IN HONG KONG AND THE RESULTING

PERCEPTION OF INHERENT DIFFICULTY

Any discussion of the specific English language learning difficulties in Hong Kong cannot ignore: a) the general sociological situation of Hong Kong students b); the function of education in Hong Kong society; c) the general constraints inherent in the Hong Kong educational system and finally, (resulting from a),b) and c)) d), the general perception of learning difficulty in the Hong Kong education system.

A) THE SOCIOLOGICAL SITUATION OF HONG KONG STUDENTS

Hong Kong has been a great economic success. In the past two decades, it has had an annual growth rate averaging 10% in GDP.  Recent statistics of the social scene in Hong Kong reveal that two thirds of the work force continue to earn under HK$ 10,000 per month, hardly enough to cover the rent of a small apartment on Hong Kong island. There is great disparity of income, poor social welfare and pensions. Self-reliance is important. 

Hong Kong’s population density in the urban areas is very high and accommodation is cramped. Over half the population live in public housing units of about 200-300 square feet available space for one family. Few students therefore have the advantage of good study conditions. A survey in the Hong Kong Polytechnic’s Student Affairs Unit (published in the South China Morning Post, 16.3.90) revealed that 75% of first year students did not have their own rooms and 42.8% did not have a desk of their own. This contrasts strongly with usual conditions in, for example, the UK.

Interesting information is also provided by statistics from the Student Affairs Unit at Hong Kong University (1992). 49.6% of respondents lived in some kind of private housing the majority (74%)of an area between 20 and 59 square metres. 41.8% had no room and no desk of their own. Average household size was five persons and mean household income was HK$ 11,630.

The Family Planning Association (1983), in a sample of 4,000 students, reports however that only 7.1% of Hong Kong schoolchildren consider themselves to be in a poor financial position. Income and expenditure however was the main source of disputes (55.9%). The general family atmosphere was considered ‘sweet and warm’ (33.0%) or ‘good’ (41.8%) but 60.9% of girls and 67.9% of boys would not confide in siblings if in trouble. Only 29.3% would tell their parents to stop playing mahjhong if they were doing their homework. Self-esteem seems to be rather low (or modesty marked) with only 7.1% regarding themselves as ‘above-average’ in appearance. Sexual behaviour was rather conservative with only 2.6% having experienced sexual intercourse. Ignorance about conception and contraception was ‘massive’. A bizarre statistic is that 23.3% of girls considered shampooing during menstruation unhealthy. Parents were ‘concerned’ with academic performance (more than with peer relationships, attire, career, hair style etc.).

(Mitchell (1984) found that girls in his sample preferred to date the boy with the best marks whilst boys prefer to date the best-looking girl (II 224)!)

Lee (1991) describes the sociological background of students in terms of a developing society and a Chinese cultural background (Confucianism, centripetalism, women’s non-emancipation) in which the traditional authoritarian relationship between parent and child is changing into something approaching the Western model.  The generation gap appears to be growing.

The life-situation/attitude constellations/life plans of Hong Kong students may be understood by reference to the idea of cultural script (Adams 1992a). The cultural script is that part of the individual script, or pre-conscious life-plan, which contains elements from the cultural milieu to which the individual is exposed. I analyse the cultural scripts of Hong Kong Chinese people as containing at least six important elements (and this analysis incorporates many of the ideas and research presented in e.g. Bond (1986) and Lau and Kuan (1988)). These six elements are:

The Proto-China conception

The Third World element

The Refugee mentality

The Nouveau-Riche syndrome

The Decadent Colony legacy

The New Hong Kong element

I elucidate these terms as follows:

Proto-China is a conception of China often confused with the present day People’s Republic which, however, has no significant relationship with the PRC in an understanding of its function in cultural scripting.  Proto-China is a largely abstract concept, equivalent perhaps to Britannia or Uncle Sam, in which certain cultural assumptions regarding identity and ultimate destiny are contained, albeit largely implicitly and unconsciously. This component of the cultural script is the only one to receive attention in most social psychologists’ conception of the underlying life plan of Hong Kong people. It manifests itself in deep-rooted behavioural patterns such as group identity, familial consciousness, harmony maintenance.  It is the key factor in the conception of many even third generation Hong Kong people of their own cultural uniqueness.

The Third World element is a sociological factor composed of generally chaotic concepts of civic role and social responsiveness. There is an implicit acceptance of corrupt acceptance of corrupt government and business conduct. This element, when combined with traditional group dynamics, makes the triad societies (an increasingly serious problem in Hong Kong schools) such an intractable social problem in Hong Kong. In addition, Third World thinking makes environmental consciousness very low - another major Hong Kong social problem.

The Refugee mentality is one in which the personality is always somewhere else in ultimate aim: either looking back with loyalty to the old country or ‘forward with reluctance to the new’. Main concerns are with accumulation of wealth as a means of maintaining stability, the furtherance of children in the educational sphere and matter-of-fact indifference to the host society. This mentality gives the ruthless edge to life in Hong Kong.

The Nouveau-Riche syndrome of conspicuous consumption, continued and disproportionate concern with wealth, allied with insecurity and problems with one’s children (who were neglected while the money was being made) is a key element in the culture of modern Hong Kong.

The input from a Decadent Colony legacy into the cultural script is seen in the identity crisis and insecurity of Hong Kong people having to deal with the manoeuvrings of a former world power extricating itself from one of the most audacious handovers in history.  This malaise contrasts with the security of the Proto-China element of the cultural script.

The New Hong Kong element, perhaps the most hopeful of all, is derived from the development of Hong Kong since the 50s and 60s of this century into a liberal, affluent society with all its trappings: good housing, educational opportunity, improved health care and, in general, an expectation of ‘stability and prosperity’.  The New Hong Kong element has led to the great generation gap in Hong Kong as older members of the community did not benefit from it in formative years.

The latter element of the cultural script has interesting characteristics, as interesting as Hong Kong society as a whole.

Hong Kong is a meritocracy and what Lee (1991) calls a credential society (where qualifications are valued and are imposing parts of the social order). We will refer to the problems this brings

in the next section (b).  Hong Kong is commonly regarded as a place where everything is possible given access to money. In a 1985 survey, 14.7% strongly agreed and 70.3% agreed that the most important personal goal was to make as much money as possible (Lau and Kuan 1988:54). A class system based on values of education and social background does not exist. Class is a stratified concept arranged according to income (Lau and Kuan 1988:65).

“The abundant opportunities available for the acquisition of material goods, and the relatively short time in which Hong Kong has left material scarcity behind, stimulate rampant material desires.” (Lau and Kuan1988:54). It is easy to see what pressure is exerted on young people to conform to hedonistic materialism. The pressure of the media is immense given Hong Kong’s compact size and the regulated nature of broadcasting until recently which placed great power in the hands of the two television companies. Investigation of student suicides reveals great peer pressure, parental pressure to excel.

Drug abuse appears to be growing (cough mixture being the latest substance of choice). A survey conducted at the end of 1990 on the non-medical use of psychotropic drugs among students of secondary schools and technical institutes revealed that 2.1% of the students in Chinese-speaking schools and 5.3% of students in international schools had abused such substances (Roberts 1992:156).

Brought up therefore in cramped and noisy conditions by parents with often radically different attitudes and experiences from their own, expected to perform well in a competitive society, with a comparatively poor safety net of social welfare and an uncertain future, it is clear that Hong Kong students carry a large burden of social stress inside them long before they are enrolled in the education system. It is not surprising that many young people despair and drop out of the system.

An important point is the growing trend of student suicide. In 1977, in the four days following the release of the HKCEE results, over 1000 students called a suicide-prevention agency for help (W.O. Lee 1991:226). The problem of student suicide became particularly worrying in the spring and summer of 1992. In one case, in June, the Education Dept. was criticised for not doing enough to investigate and remedy the events surrounding the death of a 13-year-old boy (see Cheng and Kwong 1992:278).  Student suicides may be regarded as freak occurrences, a bizarre trend (some students apparently under the influence of horror comics and ghosts fantasies) or, more likely, symptomatic of an underlying malaise in the educational system as a whole which is said to place too much stress on students to the detriment of their moral, emotional and spiritual development.

B) THE FUNCTION OF EDUCATION IN HONG KONG SOCIETY

In Hong Kong, like many developing countries, the major route to social betterment is frequently perceived in terms of educational attainment (Morris 1983). Education is then transformed from self-development or any of the other humanistic aims into a process of selection, principally selection for higher education (Morris 1992). Until recently, only 1% of school students went on to University.

By way of contrast, an interesting study by Tsang (writing in Winter 1988 pp.35-47) seeks to dispel some of the generally accepted assumptions regarding Hong Kong students. They are said not to view education with view to a job more than British counterparts; not to be less mature than UK students; and not to plan for the future less than UK students. The survey was a ‘preliminary’ one and its sample size was small (34 in UK and 50 in Hong Kong).

In general, our experience and research supports Morris’ findings and analysis and calls Tsang’s findings into question.

Cheng (1979) indicates that the distribution of income is similar to other developing countries and Morris (1992) cites the example of the Master Pay Scale in the Hong Kong Civil Service to show the disparity of income for credentialed and non-credentialed.  There is an acceptance of such income differentials, although Hong Kong people are generally supporters of social egalitarianism (Lau and Kuan 1988:57-58). There is thus every incentive to rise in the pay scale given the materialism mentioned above and the egalitarianism combined with the lack of class structure based on anything but income.  Educational qualifications then become an important ingredient in the pursuit of more income and thus a rise in real social status.

Hong Kong then has all the requirements for a credential society (W.O. Lee 1991) in which the role of education is primarily one of selection.

Selection actually takes place at seven main points in the Hong Kong education system: at 3 or 4 through informal tests for kindergarten entry; around the age of 5 or 6 informally for entry to primary school; at age 11-12 via the Secondary School Places Allocation Scheme; before the age of 15 via the Junior Secondary Education Assessment; at 17 via the Hong Kong Certificate of Education; at 18 (for CUHK entry) via the Hong Kong Higher Level Examination and at 19 (for HKU entry) via the Hong Kong Advanced Level Examination.

The fact that the requirements of a credential society are obvious and accepted (meritocracy, disparity of income, developing territory) does not mean that a credential society actually exists. The findings of a detailed sociological/psychological survey are required to prove this point. In the absence of such a survey, we can only hypothesise and the material for such hypothesis is very strong. For example, the idea of education as selection was sometimes quite explicit.

In 1962, the Government stated that entry to Government and aided secondary schools would be by ‘selective examination’ (Sweeting 1990). Further evidence of selection is offered by W.O. Lee

1991:212. Parents are obviously aware of selection, choosing to send their children to choice kindergartens, primary schools and hopefully to prestigious secondary schools (Green Paper on

Primary Education and pre-Primary Services 1980). The examination system of the JSEA and the HKCEE are not of absolute but of relative standard (W.O. Lee 1991:214).  ‘Schooling without education’ (W.O. Lee 1991:217) may occur. The most authoritative report of recent years, Llewellyn’s Perspective on Hong Kong Education (1982) speaks of students ‘desperate to obtain their qualifications’ and ‘teachers...judged professionally by their students’ results’ (Llewellyn 1982, III 4.24).

An interesting phenomenon caused by the emphasis on selection is the ronin or constantly re-sitting student anxious to get into university (W.O. Lee 1991: 221). In Hong Kong, one in every three HKCEE candidate is a re-sitter.  According to some sources, the proportion of re-sitters is a half of the candidates taking HKCEE.

Apart from the formal public examinations mentioned above, Hong Kong schools are marked by a large number of tests and internal examinations, so much so that in some cases the students do not have time to digest what they are supposed to have learnt.  I have referred myself to a ‘learn and forget’ mechanism in this connection. The Llewellyn Report states that ‘The very frequency of examinations is in itself disconcerting’ (III,2.9.)

Mitchell (1984) found that most of the students in his study, regardless of socio-economic status, wanted to attend University (Mitchell 1984:I 90). Only 20% expressed a desire not to go to University. Those who expect to pursue further studies at a university are the most likely to feel that there are opportunities in Hong Kong for them to become successful and that they will in fact be successful (ibid.:94). However, a university education is not considered essential for success. Moreover, those who had no real prospect of attending university were those of lower academic attainment, not necessarily those of lower socio-economic status. In addition, the Hong Kong Government was the favoured eventual employer!

Magdalene Chan (1992) reports that 26.7% of HKU first-years linked their course with a future career whilst 11.5% took the course as their preference was not offered them. A career aspiration was already in the minds of respondents, differentiated according to faculty.

In conclusion, the authoritative Llewellyn Report (1982) states:“Education in Hong Kong is predominantly a highly utilitarian means to economic and vocational ends. The emphasis on schooling has so far been by necessity on academic success, this is at some cost to personal development and sense of personal fulfillment to the majority of students.” (I,14).

C) THE GENERAL CONSTRAINTS INHERENT IN THE HK EDUCATION SYSTEM

There is a distinction to be made in the constraints inherent in the system as a whole (which include factors outside schools) and the constraints within individual schools (which are affected by the constraints inherent in the system to a greater or lesser extent).

The Hong Kong education system is centralized and bureaucratic. (Llewellyn below gives numerous examples of the hide-bound thinking of civil servants interviewed).  The organization of the education department itself, a Chinese box of departments, is evidence of this (see illustration from p.324 J.Y.S. Cheng 1986).

Numerous sources (e.g. Fu 1975; Llewellyn 1982; Bickley 1989; Bray 1990; Winter 1988; Chan 1983; J.Y.S. Cheng 1988; Morris 1992; W.O.Lee 1991; Crawford 1985; Sweeting 1990) support the view that:

i) The system is poorly funded.

ii) Staff are often untrained.

iii) The teacher - student ratio is high.

iv) Classrooms are small and noisy.

v.) Examinations dominate events.

vi) The medium of teaching is often confused.

The most authoritative, wide-ranging and unbiased report (because it was not presided over by the Hong Kong Government) was the Llewellyn Report of 1982. Some, if not all of its findings, have some relevance for an investigation of the Hong Kong education system today.

Its main recommendations were:

1) The establishment of a comprehensive language policy.

2) Language competence of teachers.

3) Attenuation of selection and allocation. “Examinations dominate the Hong Kong education system, to its detriment.”

4) Improving access to higher education.

5) The furtherance of research and policy formulation.

In addition the report said that funding was ‘unimpressive’ and should be tilted towards the junior rather than the senior end of the system.

Briefly, in the ten years since the report, only recommendation 4) has been followed up in the form of the great tertiary expansion. It could be argued that accessibility to higher education has not improved in tune with the expectations of an increasingly affluent and insecure society.

Perhaps, then, the greatest constraint on the education system in Hong Kong is its inability to change (cf. Morris’s key ideas of the rhetoric of changeand the facade of change in Morris 1992).

This is rather a depressing finding.

D) THE PERCEPTION OF DIFFICULTY IN THE HK EDUCATION SYSTEM

The difficulties encountered by student and teacher in Hong Kong appear to be obvious after some exposure to teaching life in Hong Kong. Most research has been directed to teacher experience of barriers to change and their experience of difficulty whilst student perceptions are neglected. Teacher and student perceptions of each other’s difficulties have not come to light.  This is perhaps in keeping with the general perception of Hong Kong classrooms as teacher-centred, lecture-like and paternal in general character.

An interesting study cited in Morris (1992) states the categories of influence on teaching most frequently mentioned by 45 teachers of Economics at Form Four and Five level. These were:

The need to cover the syllabus in the time available

Pupils’ expectations

Pupils’ ability level

Peers’ expectations

Principal’s expectations

Lack of materials

Standard English of pupils/teacher

(Source: Morris 1992:50)

The first two categories of influence were by far the most significant.  ‘Pupils’ expectations’ referred to the demands of public examinations and the first category was often understood in much the same way.  Public examinations thus threw a large shadow over teaching and constituted the teacher’s principal perception of difficulty in this study.

A major difficulty in the education system is teacher mobility. An investigation of its causes gives some clues towards a picture of general difficulty in the education system as perceived by teachers.

M.H.Y.Luk, writing in Bray (1990), reports that the main factors bringing teachers to the point of resignation in an eleven year study of one Hong Kong school were:

·        Career prospects

·        Subjects and classes taught

·        Quality of students

·        School politics

·        Administration

Job satisfaction was both a negative and a positive factor.

The most comprehensive assessment of student attitudes to school and their perception of system difficulty appears to be Mitchell (1984). 

Students worry about examinations, do a lot of homework (three to four hours is common) and many students appear to be working to full capacity. Cheating is a constant problem, especially for students with low self-esteem. Only 32% of the 38 schools studied had 70% of the students finding the curriculum difficult (p.306). Proficiency in English gives overall confidence (and weakness in the subject overall insecurity). Parental and peer pressure is keenly felt (and may lead to cheating).  These pressures do not however affect the amount of time the student spends on homework  (unless, of course, the parent enrolls a private tutor).

It is interesting to note here that the concerns of educationalists are sometimes at variance with the concerns of students and teachers. There are comparatively few studies of cheating, for example, in the educational literature yet a great number of studies into curriculum development (although students appear to be happy with their curriculum and it is not a major source of discontent for teachers).

No studies have come to light which assist our comparison of student and teacher attitudes and each others’ perceptions of each other’s difficulties.

Students and teachers appear to suffer alone.

CONCLUSION

Not only are there great difficulties inherent in the Hong Kong education system but it is also increasingly perceived as being difficult, even intractable.  These perceptions exacerbate the actual difficulty and further a credentialist approach. Credentialism encourages certain negative attitudes and its hold is then strengthened.

We have established that Hong Kong secondary students’ and teachers’ perception of a wide-ranging sociological problem in English language learning is probably objectively correct. The sociological element in difficulty appears to operate quite independently of linguistic elements and may reinforce such linguistic difficulty. We now turn our attention to the final perspective of difficulty revealed in the first research project - the didactic/psychological perspective.