FIRST RESEARCH PROJECT -
ERROR GRADING AND INVESTIGATION OF PERCEIVED DIFFICULTY
Reasons for carrying out the study
My
experience of teaching in Hong Kong had given me the
impression of a highly complicated language learning
situation where the failure of a large number of students,
some at tertiary level working solely in English, could not
be explained from the point of view of the prevailing
theories of second language acquisition. These theories
neglected, I believed, to give sufficient weight to the
special psychological, cultural and sociological conditions
of the language learner in Hong Kong. Much of the
literature of second language acquisition appeared to be
written from a ‘Western’ viewpoint where certain
assumptions, not applicable to Hong Kong learners and their
teachers, are constantly made. For example, the work of
Krashen, perhaps the most influential TEFL theorist of
recent times, seems to be written with the following a
priori“ assumptions:
1) An
equitable education system.
2)
Education in all societies is accepted as having intrinsic
value.
3)
Students are naturally inquisitive and responsive.
Such
assumptions may not be made in Hong Kong. The education
system is essentially elitist and, in a number of ways,
unfair (e.g. the stress on English ability and the
over-importance of Form Five exam results). The Hong Kong
population is generally illiberal, in Western terms (which
is not to say that many Westerners share the same beliefs)
in its attitude towards education, regarding it as a
passport to money rather than a means of personal
development (see Lau.S.K. and Kwan, S.C.
(1988),
Morris (1983), Winter (1989)). Students are not encouraged
or expected to be inquisitive or spontaneous as adaption
rather than individuation is normally stressed both in
Chinese culture generally and in its education processes in
particular (Bond 1986). Anecdotal evidence of teacher
failure supports the view that ‘Western’ teaching methods in
their purest forms are known failures in Hong Kong without a
long period of student habituation. The recent difficulties
with the Expatriate Teachers Scheme in Hong Kong secondary
schools was at least partly due to the inflexibility of
teachers sent from the UK to teach in an ‘alien’
environment.
These
assumptions are also shared, to some extent, by other
‘methods’ which still figure prominently in teachers’ minds:
e.g. Communicative Language Teaching and Community Language
Learning. The abandonment of specific ‘methods’ and
‘approaches’ in favour of eclecticism or focus on
‘context’ (e.g. Richards 1991) does not undo the
psychological/sociological/cultural nexus so pervasive in
the Hong Kong language learning situation although an
understanding of the ‘context’ is valuable for pointing the
way forward. The Richards approach seems to have an inbuilt
academic passivity in it which stresses analysis rather than
solutions.
Even
Gardner (1985), whose socio-educational model is more useful
than many models for understanding the Hong Kong context,
states:
“It is
argued that any other subject, such as mathematics, science,
or history, involves the development of knowledge or skills
which are a part of the heritage of the student’s cultural
community; a second language, on the other hand, is a
salient characteristic of another culture.” (Gardner
1985:146)
In the
English-medium schools of colonial Hong Kong, subjects are
rarely viewed from a traditional Chinese viewpoint. All
subjects are alien to the language and culture of many
students.
My
approach
The
general theoretical framework underlying this study has
already been outlined in the preceding sections. In
addition, my own personality is strongly influenced by the
approach of Transactional Analysis which defines a problem,
naively, as something which has a solution. There are
clearly English language learning problems in Hong Kong but
there has been very little investigation into:
1.
What students identify as problems.
2. What
teachers identify as problems.
and
perhaps, most importantly,
3.Whether student and teacher perceptions are similar or
dissimilar.
As I am
strongly interested into what psychologists term
‘interaction’ in the classroom, I posed a fourth question:
4. How
do students and teachers perceive each others’ difficulties?
Of
course, such data are often naive, from an ill-informed and
unqualified source (esp. students) who know nothing of the
complexities of applied linguistics or psychology but their
data has the advantage of being direct and relevant and
suitable to a large extent for useful analysis leading to
possible solutions.
I had the
impression that too much research was non-dynamic, regarding
students or teachers in isolation (a recently published Hong
Kong research paper of Richards (1991) for example devotes
itself to teacher characteristics alone). It is a further
conviction of mine that teaching and learning should be
viewed as cooperative processes and whereas investigations
of student and teacher perceptions, motivation, attitude,
cognitive style etc. are undoubtedly valuable, a more
dynamic assessment of student/teacher interaction is, I
think, more valuable.
The idea
of ‘difficulty in language learning’ is related to some
earlier thinking of mine regarding ‘barriers’ and
‘optimization’. The hypothesis is very simple: that if
‘barriers’ to language learning, be they psychological,
sociological, cultural or whatever, are removed or
alleviated, the learning and teaching process can be
optimized, that is made the best possible. This approach
is related to Tran’s (1975) concept of language learning
difficulty and to B.Spolsky’s (1989) idea of ‘conditions for
language learning’ (see previous section).
In order
to further see some elements of language learning difficulty
expressed as real data, it was decided to investigate actual
errors (as explained in the Introduction).
Design
of the research project
General
guidelines for conducting research in psychology and applied
linguistics were obtained from Harris, P. (1986) and Hatch,
E.M. and Farhady, H. (1982).
A number
of secondary schools were contacted using a list of schools
appearing in the local telephone directory. Three schools
eventually cooperated in every stage of the research: in
all, 320 students of forms 3 to 5 (aged approx. 14-16) and
15 teachers participated at secondary level. In addition,
some staff from the English Dept. of H.K.U., many Baptist
College classes, a class from a teacher training college and
a small group of students from an ESF (English Schools
Foundation) were used in a pilot/complementary study.
Sample
sizewas therefore 320 students and 15 teachers.
An
important point to be made here is the problem of access to
schools. Schools were not necessarily hostile to
researchers nor to foreign researchers. Researchers
simply put teachers under more stress. The burden of
secondary school teachers is already immense (long teaching
hours, large classes, noisy environment, endless
examinations and tests). Any increase of this burden was
clearly unwelcome as school after school rejected the
invitation to participate in the research project. Only
when we contacted the ILE was it possible to find schools
willing to participate in classroom observation (Research
Project II). “Cold” approaches were nearly always
unsuccessful.
The
English teaching staff of the schools were asked to draw up
a list of eighteen typical errors made by students contained
in sentences as context-free as possible. Two error-free
sentences were added by me. The list was then presented to
students and teachers to correct, where appropriate, and
then they were asked to grade according to three distinct
response modes. The response modes were based on the ego
states of TA: a critical/ideal response corresponding to the
Parent, the spontaneous response to the Child and the
considered response to the Adult. The sense of the multiple
responses was to give students the opportunity to express
any mixed feelings regarding the grading of any particular
errors and to test a minor hypothesis: that there was a
conflict in attitude towards errors (severe Parent grading
and more lenient Child grading). This hypothesis was based
on my belief that English could be considered a ‘Parental’
language/subject in Hong Kong, associated with achievement,
power, duty etc. (see Adams 1991, pp. 75-87).
This
understanding of language ‘association’ approaches the
reality of English in the minds of Hong Kong people more
closely, I believe, than sociolinguistic analyses which
emphasise ‘functions’, ‘diglossia’, ‘status’, ‘social
identity’, ‘domains’ and so on. The analyses of social
psychologists which see language use in a multilingual
community in terms of ‘salience’, ‘accommodation’ and so on
lie closer to my approach but reveal only a part of what
really happens in Hong Kong people’s heads when they use
English. I view these analyses of English as patterns
generated by the fundamental psychological association of
English. Such an association is not purely mental: posture,
voice, emotional state, expression can all be seen to be
affected by the use of English in most Hong Kong English
speakers. This is obviously a subject for further research.
A useful concept does however arise from sociolinguistics to
describe the Hong Kong situation of language use at one
extreme“ in a description of Fasold (1984: 193): ‘diglossia
without bilingualism ...In such a society, the governed
group would acquiesce to the rule of the elite, but they
would not consider themselves part of the same speech
community. They would not feel any particular need to learn
the dominant group’s language, except the minimum required
for interacting with them.’ Of course, the functions
ascribed to English are constantly ‘leaking’ into Cantonese,
in particular as representative democracy and localisation
concomitant with 1997 take effect. In the Hong Kong
case too, we might add: ‘...and for gaining an acceptable
education.’ Again, such an analysis, derived from
anthropology, is too group-oriented to fully see the reality
of individual language use. Gumperz’s idea of
code-switching related to High and Low usage presents an
idea which approaches my own but his discussion does not
make use of an underlying psychological network of
associations (incorporating domain, feeling, power
association, prestige, compulsion, control, formality in the
case of the term ‘Parental’) as in my understanding of the
use of English in Hong Kong. (See also Fasold 1984: 204-7
for various categories of language use which could all be
understood under the one heading: Parental language use).
Respondents, teachers and students, were asked to grade the
errors contained in the erroneous sentences on a scale
ranging through very serious, serious, neutral, trivial,
very trivial to no error (a type of semantic differential
scale). This is a mentalist rather than a behaviourist
approach, consistent with the prevailing trend of
investigations of attitude.
The ego
state model provides a very useful model for investigating
attitude and this is the first time, to my knowledge, that
it has been employed in this way.
Explanation of the rationale behind the multiple responses
was given by teachers after some instruction in the concept
of ego states from me.
The final
part of the research instrument was a set of ‘open’
questions regarding language learning difficulty in general,
language learning difficulty of the individual respondent
(for students and teachers and one group’s perceptions of
the other group ‘s difficulties) and a final question
asking ‘ What are the difficulties of learning English in
Hong Kong?’ (see appendix).
It was
thus hoped to arrive at a personally perceived, a perceived
comparative and a perceived general view of English language
learning difficulty of a reasonably large and varied sample
of the English language learning and teaching population in
Hong Kong.
Results of the research project
The
results of error grading from one Kowloon secondary school
were so inaccurate as to be meaningless. Moreover, the
answers to the questionnaires were very sketchy. It was
decided to discard this data. We were then left with two
schools: one a famous school for boys in Kowloon (English
medium) with an excellent academic record and a school for
girls on Hong Kong island (Chinese medium) of below-average
academic standing.
Although
the error grading was incidental to the main point of the
project, it did - within its severe limitations of sample
size and methodology - reveal one interesting, if tenuous,
conclusion. Teachers graded errors more severely than their
students. This might indicate an important difficulty
in language learning for Hong Kong students. As our study
wished to embrace a much wider area of student and teacher
concerns, we did not pursue this initial finding. The second
part of our questionnaire which we labelled “Supplementary
Questions” constituted the main data of the research
project. Our findings are summarised in what follows.
SCHOOL A
The main
factors mentioned in the answers to supplementary questions
by students and teachers together were:
Lack of
opportunity to practice - 79
Grammar -
65
Vocabulary - 55
Mother
Tongue - 48
Oral
proficiency/difficulty - 42
Mother
tongue/interference combined gave a score of 76.
The
factors could be grouped together in three main areas:
Linguistic (factors Acc./Comm./Comp./E./Fl./G./I./Int./List.
MT./O./Orth./PP./Pr./Rd./V./W.)
386
Sociological/logistical (factors Env./Ex./Exm./MA/OW/Pts./Px./
Res./STR/System/Tincmp./TM.)
170
Psychological (B./F./H./Ht./Motiv./NI./R./S./STREL.) 79
Discussion of results
Although
a single ‘sociological’ factor is identified most often, the
factors called here ‘linguistic’ predominate over all.
‘Psychological’ and ‘sociological’ factors taken together do
not exceed ‘linguistic’ factors but it can be seen that they
are a considerable factor in the minds of the students.
(‘Psychological’ factors may have been higher in number if
we had included MT, mother tongue as it is cited in such
naïve statements as ‘We are Chinese’.)
Comparison of student and teacher perceptions
It is
interesting to note that teachers do not identify ‘Grammar’
or ‘ Vocabulary’ as readily as students (even if we convert
their small number of responses to a class size by
multiplying by five or six). Students and teachers identify
‘Lack of opportunity to practice’ to roughly the same
degree. ‘Shyness’, ‘Exposure to English’ and ‘Interference’
are emphasised as important areas of difficulty by teachers
but not by students.
If
teachers do not correlate in their conception of language
learning difficulty with their students, students do not
readily see the difficulties of teaching. Many students did
not answer question four or provided responses indicative of
an inability to empathize.
Conclusion
Within
the limits of this sample it may be concluded that:
·
Sociological/psychological factors figure prominently, but
not predominantly, in students and teacher conception of
language learning difficulty.
·
Teachers and
students do not always have the same conception of what
constitutes language learning difficulty. Students seem more
concerned with basic language knowledge than their teachers.
The first
conclusion supports our hypothesis that non-linguistic
factors are important in the conception of LLD.
The
second conclusion may explain the growing lack of accuracy
from third to fifth form seen in the first parts of the
questionnaire and support the conclusion of studies such
as...which speak of a growing tolerance to error as the
student advances in the Hong Kong education system.
The
prominence of ‘Lack of Opportunities To Practice’ may be
interpreted as ‘Not Taking Up Opportunities To Practice’
bearing in mind the actual opportunities available in Hong
Kong (as outlined in the previous section) and may be
evidence of Subgroup A behaviour in Giles and Byrne’s
Intergroup Model (1982).
The main
characteristic of such a group’s behaviour in language
learning is the avoidance of informal language learning.
The psychological reality contained in ‘Lack of
Opportunities to Practice’ may be culturally and
sociologically conditioned so that the individual language
learner cannot perceive any opportunities to practice the
language. Such opportunities may interfere not only with
laws such as intergroup boundaries but other rules such as
how strangers can be approached for conversational practice,
the status of English speakers (foreigners) in the society,
the approach to learning (classroom based/open and holistic)
and so on.
Gardner
(1985) suggests that: ‘Students either opt in or out of
informal contexts, and the extent to which they do would be
expected to be influenced primarily by their degree of
motivation and/or anxiety.’ The preponderance of ‘Lack of
Opportunities to Practice’ may thus indicate low motivation
in students combined with anxiety. These factors may have a
number of causes.
SCHOOL B
The main
factors mentioned in the answers to the supplementary
questions were:
Lack of
opportunity to practice - 78
Expressing oneself - 68
Comprehension - 62
Grammar -
58
Vocabulary - 58
Mother
tongue/interference combined gave a score of 85.
The
factors could be grouped together in three main areas:
Linguistic (factors Acc./Comm./Comp./E./Fl./G./I./Int./List.
MT./O./Orth./PP./Pr./Rd./V./W.)
481
Sociological/logistical (factors Env./Ex./Exm./MA/OW/Pts./Px./
Res./STR/System/Tincmp./TM.) 179
Psychological (B./F./H./Ht./Motiv./NI./R./S./STREL.) 97
Discussion
As in the
first case above, linguistic factors predominate but a
‘sociological’ factor is the most cited single factor.
The
greater overall number of answers (122 more than the first
case) is distributed to ‘linguistic’ factors.
Comparison of student and teacher perceptions
Teachers
make entirely different assessments of language learning
difficulty in the answers to the supplementary questions
which are not simply ascribable to their greater maturity or
learning.
The
‘learning environment’, ‘motivation’ and ‘exposure to
English’ categories receive more mentions in proportion to
the (small) sample of teacher responses than in student
responses. ‘Lack of opportunities to practice’ is not
similarly identified or emphasised by teachers whereas
‘reluctance, unwillingness’ is given fair representation.
Limitations of the project
Fasold
(1984) points out that ‘demonstrating validity in the case
of cognitive and affective attitudes is nearly impossible (Fasold
1984: 153). Some attempt was made in the design of the
experiment to overcome this difficulty by allowing the
respondents to deviate from their ‘cognitively-oriented’
(Adult) response but no validity of this response can be
guaranteed in particular as what is considered ‘spontaneous’
(emanating from the Child in TA) by one person may be in
fact an exercise of their criticising or judgmental faculty
(Parent). Only people who have undergone some degree of
training in TA whereby ego states are clearly
‘decontaminated’, and thus delineated, could make valid
cognitive/affective attitudes within a TA framework.
The
objection could then be made that the respondents trained in
TA made the responses expected of them due to TA training.
Studies
have shown (see Fu and Pierson in Lord (ed.)(1987)) that
when Hong Kong students are asked anything in English, they
tend to give an ideal response (this is of course in
accordance with the Parental hypothesis). The project would
have been strengthened by being conducted in Cantonese.
Again, as
students in Hong Kong often display strong over-adaptive
behaviour, the truth of the answers is called into question:
did the students merely adapt to the situation of the test
and give what appeared to be plausible answers to fulfill
the demands of the test, or perhaps more importantly, their
teachers. The breadth of factors covered in the
supplementary questions and the variety of examples give
would suggest otherwise.
Nevertheless, with these strong reservations in mind, an
attempt was made to get close to the psychological reality
of attitude towards errors in English and thus, perhaps,
attitude towards English in general. Many respondents did
take the opportunity to distinguish considered from critical
or spontaneous responses.
The use
of the multi-response grading with three replies was not
generally accepted although the principle of one deviation
from an initial response clearly was accepted.
Finally,
in keeping with the skepticism we have expressed elsewhere
in the thesis towards claims of general validity based on
cross-sectional studies, care must be taken in
extrapolating longitudinal trends from the study we carried
out.
CONCLUSION
The
research project - although limited in scope - confirmed our
hypotheses that attitude to error is complex and
contradictory and that difficulty in English language
learning is perceived as being strongly, but not mainly,
rooted in the sociological and didactic situation of
students. Psychological factors were also strongly perceived
as constituents of difficulty.
We
decided to pursue the three identified areas of perceived
difficulty - linguistic, sociological and psychological -
more closely in the part two of the thesis. We decided that
the areas of student and teacher perceptions of
psychological difficulty might be profitably combined in a
section devoted to educational psychology (and in particular
to ‘Approaches to Study’ because so much work had been done
recently in that area.)
The
question of attitude to error was abandoned at this point as
we believed the project had partly demonstrated that
attitude to error was one of the manifestations of
difficulty rather than one of its essential underlying
areas. A fundamental distinction between the error as a
symptom of Difficulty rather than Difficulty in itself was
made earlier in the thesis. To pursue attitude to error
would have continued an outdated approach to the problem of
difficulty (a sort of error analysis) and would have worked
against our holistic approach.
Part Two
of the thesis (sections 6-10) examines and elucidates the
three areas of difficulty and prepares for the second
research project which asked the question: ‘What attempts,
if any, are made by teachers in Hong Kong secondary schools
to counter the complex difficulties in the learning of
English?’ Underlying this question was the idea of the
‘intervention’, a common term in psychotherapies such as
Transactional Analysis and also an increasingly common term
in education, particularly in curriculum development. In the
final section, some attempt is made to construct a
theoretical model of classroom intervention for removing
English language learning difficulty in Hong Kong.
The
Conclusion (section 11) assesses our overall findings and
makes recommendations for future research.
ENGLISH LANGUAGE LEARNING DIFFICULTY IN HONG KONG
SCHOOLS:
Table
of contents
PART ONE
- Background and preparation for research
-
THE
CONCEPT OF DIFFICULTY - Philosophical, psychological and
general semantic orientation
-
DIFFICULTY AND ENGLISH - General linguistic orientation
-
ENGLISH
IN HONG KONG - Sociolinguistic orientation
-
ENGLISH
LANGUAGE LEARNING - Focus on TEFL and TESL and our approach
Fluency Optimum acquisition and environment
-
RESEARCH
PROJECT I - Focus on Hong Kong English Language
PART TWO
- Examination and elucidation of Research Project I findings
-
THE
INTERFERENCE OF CANTONESE IN HONG KONG ENGLISH USAGE
-
THE
DIFFICULTIES OF THE HONG KONG TEACHING/LEARNING
-
LEARNING
STYLES AND APPROACHES IN HONG KONG
-
RESEARCH PROJECT II - CLASSROOM OBSERVATION
-
INTERVENTION STRATEGIES AND A SUGGESTED INTERVENTION MODEL
-
CONCLUSION
-
BIBLIOGRAPHY
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